
There was a moment with a glimmer of hope for beleaguered South Africa. That moment appeared on May 21, 2025, with a meeting at the White House between US President Donald J. Trump and his South African counterpart, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. The purpose of the meeting was to 'reset' the relationship between them after violently racist and anti-Western policies adopted by the largest political party in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC), which heads a coalition government, were criticised by President Trump.
While Ramaphosa focused on trade at the meeting –- probably believing he could get away with neo-Marxist policies by tempting Trump with trade opportunities, such as availability of critical minerals -- Trump instead brooded on the deep injustice against the country's white minorities. Many onlookers believe they deserving what they are getting as a result of sometimes hundreds of years of discrimination against the Blacks, or "Coloureds," by South Africa's White European settlers.
The expectation of many South Africans was not related to trade as such but, rather, hopes that the 142 racist laws against minority Whites would be repealed due to pressure from Trump, and that the ANC would withdraw its fatuous changes against Israel at the International Court of Justice. There were also hopes that the slaughter of white farmers would be addressed; that horrendous rape and murder rates against all ethnic groups would be dealt with; that private property, especially farms, homes and other land, would escape official expropriation without compensation, and many other iniquities, such as poverty corruption and crime, which might be repaired with urgent outside intervention.
Although Trump and his well-informed advisors did their utmost to bring these issues to public attention in the presence of President Ramaphosa and his team, it was probably of little avail in swaying Ramaphosa and the ANC from their path. This became evident soon after Ramaphosa's return to South Africa as a sort of hero, praised for daring to stand up to Trump.
Much of the Western world should now be aware of television clips which Trump shoe Ramaphosa, showing "footage of 100,000 EFF supporters in pseudo-military garb and promising to 'kill the Boer, kill the farmer.'" At the meeting, Ramaphosa was unable to coherently justify why such pointed hate-speech is permitted in South Africa and why the leader of the EFF, Julius Malema, has not been arrested. The reason is that the highest Court bizarrely ruled that the slogan does not portend killing of white farmers at this time but relates to the struggle for majority rule.
Specifically, "on 27 March 2025, the Constitutional Court ruled that the Economic Freedom Fighter's (EFF's) chanting or singing of 'Kill the Boer' does not qualify as hate speech, inciting violence or a call to genocide, and it's totally okay and legal for them to do so."
The explanation for this astounding ruling is that the courts are stacked with ANC-nominated candidates through the Judicial Services Commission, a committee open to influence by the ANC – the leading political party. The ANC's National Democratic Revolution strategy compels dominating the Judiciary; it reads: "judicial independence to be undermined, in part by vesting most appointments to the bench in an ANC-dominated Judicial Service Commission." It was therefore not unexpected that the Constitutional Court might rule in support of the slogan, "Kill the Boer".
A further reason for Ramaphosa's reluctance to fully engage with President Trump at the meeting over the farm murders and chants of "Kill the farmer" other than lamely to say, it was "not government policy," is that it was part of the ANC's agenda to rid the country of whites. Sounds shocking, but here is proof:
"In the 1980s, the ANC's armed wing uMkhonto weSizwe had 'a declared policy' of attacking and trying to kill farmers. 'In the early 1990s, it also covertly trained its paramilitaries ... in how to attack farmsteads. Over 1,000 people were killed and many more seriously injured, in thousands of attacks on farms during the first decade of ANC rule.'"
Just because there was a policy stated 40 years ago, does not mean that it is necessarily being enforced, but since then, as many now know from the meeting with Trump, attacks have relentlessly continued.
Once Ramaphosa returned, it was reported that "Notwithstanding the video, Mr Ramaphosa declared the visit a success for opening a path to consider a new trade deal between the two countries." It quickly became clear he had paid not slightest attention to the rampant murder of white farmers or the racists laws against the white minority, as brought to his, and the world's, attention by President Trump.
Despite Ramaphosa and the ANC's belief in the success of their mission, apparently "the exchange delivered no economic deal, it exposed to the world some of the grimmest aspects of life in this country, and it has exacerbated tensions in the GNU (the government of national unity)." Evidently not quite a success for the ANC.
After the White House episode, it was business as usual for the ANC, which, through their compliant government mouthpiece, declared:
"President Cyril Ramaphosa has concluded a successful working visit to the United States of America at the invitation of President Donald Trump".
Ramaphosa's performance at the Oval office garnered praise from the leftist legacy media, including the BBC which reported:
"[T]he events this week, ostensibly meant to bully, ridicule and embarrass Ramaphosa around the world, actually reminded many South Africans of what he brings to the government and the country -- a constant, stable and predictable centre."
So much for the BBC.
What it published about the meeting is typical of such propaganda. Ramaphosa and his ideological predecessors in the ANC have a predetermined agenda to fulfil. They present an amiable, innocent, front while they "slowly boil the frog" – an analogy used by the ANC leader himself. The late Dr Oriani-Ambrosini reflected on his meeting with Ramaphosa some years ago:
"In his brutal honesty, Ramaphosa told me of the ANC's 25-year strategy to deal with the whites: it would be like boiling a frog alive, which is done by raising the temperature very slowly. Being cold-blooded, the frog does not notice the slow temperature increase, but if the temperature is raised suddenly, the frog will jump out of the water. He meant that the black majority would pass laws transferring wealth, land, and economic power from white to black slowly and incrementally, until the whites lost all they had gained in South Africa, but without taking too much from them at any given time to cause them to rebel or fight."
That is what has transpired. In this way, fulfilment of the ANC's National Democratic Revolution (NDR) strategy has been accelerating towards its conclusion, fooling many in the process. The NDR is the ANC's plan for transforming South Africa into their version of a Utopia. This policy is seldom mentioned publicly but Ramaphosa's determination in upholding racist policies against whites and the proposed expropriation of white-held land without compensation, unfortunately appears to be an objective of the NDR.
Ramaphosa remains unrelenting on the racist economic "empowerment laws" (known as BBBEE) and aimed at whites. Ramaphosa has stated, "I find it very worrying that we continue to have this notion that broad-based Black economic empowerment" is holding the economy back.
"It is the partial and exclusive ownership [by Whites] of the means of production in our country that is keeping this economy from growing....What do you want to see happening? Do you want to see black people continuing to play the role of labourers, drawers of water, hewers of wood and consumers only?... Black people must play a productive role as well" and should be able to become rich."
The ANC thus doubles down on its agenda of redistribution of wealth through forced means, despite abundance evidence that their BBBEE regulations are a total failure. After 30 years of uninterrupted rule, the ANC has reputedly become a corrupt organisation absolutely determined to impose its agenda on an unwilling populace – and Ramaphosa himself has been credibly suspected of corruption.
A heartbreaking failure at governing, the ANC has been unable, in general, to economically empower South Africans. Consequently, unemployment runs about 35% with higher rates for youths (those under 25) nearing 50%, while the economy is "on the brink of collapse" and leading to a near-failed State.
"South Africa is undergoing a 'fundamental transformation' to accelerate economic growth," Ramaphosa claimed at the World Economic Forum in Switzerland in 2025.
"We have introduced bold economic reforms to overcome persistent challenges and unlock the vast potential of our country and its people. As we confront the challenges of the present, social partners have been working together, in various forms and forums, to drive a programme of inclusive growth and transformation."
Sadly, what Ramaphosa actually intends, despite his grand terminology, is that there will be a redistribution of wealth and asset ownership in the form of either expropriation without compensation and/or a mandatory transfer of equity in businesses held by minorities to the black majority. NDR policies allow for this, and in fact the ANC Constitution mandates such actions:
"The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the Banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole; All other industry and trade shall be controlled to assist the wellbeing of the people; Restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended, and all the land re-divided amongst those who work it to banish famine and land hunger."
None of this, however, should be surprising when the foundational springs of ANC's policies are examined. These include their Constitution, the National Democratic Revolution document, their Freedom Charter, the papers of their 50th National Conference: Strategies and Tactics, and other policy documents. Despite their fine suits, fancy cars, and often pleasant demeanour (in the case of Ramaphosa), ANC leaders remain unrepentant, unapologetic, and irredeemable.
The Institute of Race Relations, a respected NGO since 1929, summarised the ANC's NDR plan as follows:
"The NDR is a Soviet-inspired strategy which seeks to provide 'the most direct route to socialism', as the SACP puts it. Socialism, in turn, is 'a transitional social system between capitalism...and the fully classless, communist society' which is the final NDR objective.
"The democratic 'breakthrough' achieved in 1994 paved the way for the second stage of the NDR. This, in keeping with Lenin's strategy for total emancipation, aims to take South Africa from a predominantly capitalist economy to a socialist and then communist one. Particularly vital to the NDR is the notion of 'colonialism of a special type' or CST. According to this concept, South Africa's white minority is an illegitimate colonial oppressor while the black majority is its exploited victim."
The obvious solution to South Africa's problems is regime change through a democratic process. Even so, this is a complex scenario due to vociferous pretenders such as the EFF and MK – political parties even more radically leftist and Marxist than the ANC - waiting in the wings. Further, the ANC probably control the Police and Military through their cadres, thereby creating further complications in the hopes for a change of regime.
A partial solution might be, as suggested by the commentator Rob Hersov, is that the US and other Western nations should bypass the ANC and instead support the Democratic Alliance (DA) -- the official opposition at one stage (now part of the coalition) and the 2nd largest political party.
The DA is a centralist-conservative entity which runs the Western Cape Province – a state thriving in every way. Perhaps when it becomes known how successful the Western Cape under the DA has become, particularly with US and other outside investment, then demand for structural changes elsewhere might arise. In the interim, ominous dark clouds hang over the future of beautiful South Africa and its vibrant and amazing people.
Nils A. Haug is an author and columnist. A Lawyer by profession, he is member of the International Bar Association, the National Association of Scholars, the Academy of Philosophy and Letters. Dr. Haug holds a Ph.D. in Apologetical Theology and is author of 'Politics, Law, and Disorder in the Garden of Eden – the Quest for Identity'; and 'Enemies of the Innocent – Life, Truth, and Meaning in a Dark Age.' His work has been published by First Things Journal, The American Mind, Quadrant, Minding the Campus, Gatestone Institute, National Association of Scholars, Jewish Journal, James Wilson Institute (Anchoring Truths), Jewish News Syndicate, Tribune Juive, Document Danmark, and many others.