For the past decade, February, part of which coincides with the month of Bahman on the Iranian calendar, has been marked by febrile political activities in Iran under the Khomeinist regime. February 1 marks the anniversary of the late ayatollah's return to Tehran after 16 years in exile. And February 11, regarded as the crescendo of the Iranian Revolution, marks the day that Shapour Bakhtiar, the last Prime Minister to be named by the Shah, went into hiding, leaving a vacuum quickly filled by Khomeini's supporters visibly surprised by the ease with which they had won power.
There were no revolutionary battles, no dramatic ups-and-downs, and, on a personal level, no opportunity for heroic shenanigans.
The Khomeinist revolution took around four months to achieve victory, not long enough to allow a lot of people to conjure a heroic biography for themselves.
Just a year before the "final victory" on 11 February some of the mullahs who emerged as grandees of the revolution, among them Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati who now heads the all-powerful Council of Guardians of the Islamic Constitution, were kissing the Shah's hands during audiences for clerics. Other grandees of the revolution like Hojat al-Islam Morteza Motahari were on Empress Farah's payroll as members of the "philosophical" boutique she had set up as solace from boredom.
The revolution had not lasted long enough to establish its ideological colors.
Pro-Soviet Communists along with kindred Maoists, Castroists, Trotskyites, and Titoists believed that this was their revolution, as did veteran Mossadeqists, westernized Third-Worldists, and mullahs of all shapes and sizes.
For the first year the ideological vacuum was filled with the drama around the seizing of American diplomats as hostages.
Once the embassy hostage drama had become as a boring as a second-rate TV soap opera, Iraqi despot Saddam Hussein rode to the rescue by invading Iran, helping fill the new Khomeinist regime's ideological emptiness.
In the first two years, the new regime kept the revolutionary temperature up by mass executions, purges of the military and civil service, the squandering of human lives in ineffective maneuvers on the battlefields of Iraq, and the assassination of men that Khomeini regarded as potential threats to his hold on power. Using the Lebanese branch of Hezbollah to seize Western hostages added spice to the bland dish the mullahs served.
With the end of the war and Khomeini's death, the new regime found itself ideologically naked. Then "Jihad" against the United States was formally adopted as the regime's core ideology.
In that context, adopting an anti-Israeli position was inevitable, if only tangentially. The mullahs forgot that Israel had smuggled arms to them to fight Saddam Hussein, and, in an act of gargantuan ingratitude, called for the "elimination of the Zionist entity."
Once the anti-American and anti-Israel themes were established the regime tried to weave a cobweb of ideological mumbo-jumbo around them.
Under Ali Khamenei, the Islamic Republic launched annual seminars with such titles as "The End of America" and "A World Without Israel."
It also provided an annual platform, always in February, for Holocaust deniers from all over the world. Special prizes were offered for anti-Semitic cartoons, posters, photos, and sculpture.
By 2013 Foreign Minister Muhammad-Javad Zarif could claim that the Islamic Republic was scoring one success after another in "exporting" its culture, whatever that meant.
The new administration of President Hassan Rouhani felt confident that, thanks to support from US President Barack Obama, the Khomeinist regime could talk like Sweden but act like North Korea.
However, it seems that the arrival on the scene of an unknown quantity named Donald J Trump has confused the mullahs, forcing them to ponder whether it is still possible to hoodwink the Americans and the rest of the world while pursuing repression in Iran and destabilizing policies abroad.
Strictly speaking Trump hasn't yet done anything concrete against the mullahs apart from expressing sympathy with recent mass protests in Iran.
However, the fact that Trump has kept the mullahs guessing about his intentions has already impacted their behavior.
To start with Tehran has ended provocative naval acts in the Strait of Hormuz and its environs, winning praise from the Pentagon. Throughout the Obama presidency the Iranian navy operated "swarming sorties" against US naval units in the region with small speedboats approaching American battleships like so many gnats trying to sting an elephant.
Under Trump, however, the "gnats" are keeping away from the American elephant.
In another register, Tehran has also shelved its annual "End of America" and "A World Without Israel" shows.
Zarif has issued a few dozen visas for professional Holocaust deniers and anti-Americans, mostly from Europe and the US, but their comings-and-goings is to be kept away from the limelight.
More importantly, perhaps, the Khomeinist regime, which has not passed a single day without holding some foreign hostages, has not seized any new American hostages.
The most high-profile hostages still held are dual nationals who had lobbied in the US for the Islamic Republic under the control of Obama's special adviser Ben Rhodes.
In a bid to counter Trump's chest-beating about human rights in Iran, the mullahs acted out of character when they chose not to massacre people in the streets during the recent nationwide uprising.
More interestingly, all regime grandees, including Khamenei himself, dwelling on the "benefits of protest and criticism in Islam," have donned their fake Swedish mask, hiding the North Korean face behind it.
How do you say "Death to America" in Swedish? Pictured: Iranians hold a rally on November 4, 2013 in Tehran, to mark the 34th anniversary of the 1979 US embassy takeover, in which Islamist students held 52 American diplomats hostage for 444 days. (Photo by Majid Saeedi/Getty Images)
At regional level, too, the mullahs are trying to talk Swedish.
They muse on reducing their footprint in Syria, claiming that they have already won the war for their protégé Bashar al-Assad.
And last Sunday, Defense Minister General Amir Hatami even offered to give Afghanistan military aid to fight ISIS and its groups installed there.
The next issue on which I expect Tehran to start singing Swedish concerns Trump's demand for renegotiating the nuclear "deal", concocted by Obama.
The initial tune from Tehran was a "No! No! Nannette" number! with a harsh North Korean accent. Recently, however, I hear a "Maybe baby!" number with a soft Swedish accent.
Amir Taheri, formerly editor of Iran's premier newspaper, Kayhan, before the Iranian revolution of 1979, is a prominent author based on Europe. He is the Chairman of Gatestone Europe.
This article first appeared in Asharq Al Awsat and is reprinted here with the kind permission of the author.