Iran's regime has officially declared that it will not abide by any nuclear limits. It is finally admitting out in the open that its ultimate objective has always been to become a nuclear-armed state.
Its announcement is not merely a change of rhetoric; it represents the formal end of Iran's long-standing campaign of deception, in which it pretended to cooperate with international nuclear agreements while secretly expanding its program.
Since the Islamic Republic of Iran's establishment in 1979, its leadership has viewed nuclear weapons as a guarantee of regime survival and a means of projecting power across the Middle East and further. For decades, Iran has cloaked its ambitions under the banner of "peaceful nuclear energy." Now, it has stepped out from behind the curtain. It is no longer pretending to follow the rules of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty or any agreement that limits its activities. Iran is signaling to the world that it intends to move forward, unrestricted and unapologetic, toward the finish line — acquiring nuclear weapons.
This is not the first time the Iranian regime has defied international agreements and nuclear limits. Iran has been in violation of its commitments for years, including under the Obama administration's Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the "Iran nuclear deal." The JCPOA, which was presented by its architects as a tool to constrain Iran, in practice provided the regime with international legitimacy, economic relief, and sufficient time and resources to strengthen its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. When Iran claims now that the JCPOA is "dead," it is simply acknowledging that it never had any intention of honoring it in the first place. While the regime publicly claimed to respect the deal, in reality, it was quietly expanding its capabilities, building advanced centrifuges, and enriching uranium far beyond the levels needed for peaceful nuclear energy. Even as Iran's officials posed as partners in diplomacy, their scientists were working tirelessly to bring the country closer to a nuclear weapons threshold.
The Obama-era nuclear deal, hailed by some as a diplomatic breakthrough, was, in reality, a gift from US President Barack Obama to the Iranian regime. The deal gave Iran access to billions of dollars in frozen assets, lifted crippling sanctions, and restored its access to the global financial system.
Before the deal, Iran was on its knees economically, largely due to the firm sanctions imposed by the Bush administration. These sanctions had weakened the regime's economy, restricted its oil exports, and reduced its ability to fund its regional proxies. The JCPOA reversed that process. Once sanctions were lifted, Iran began exporting oil again, receiving foreign investments, and trading with Asia and Europe.
This influx of money not only revived the regime but emboldened it. Instead of using its newfound wealth to improve the lives of Iranians, the leadership poured those billions into its military, its nuclear weapons program and the ballistic missiles to deliver them, and its network of Middle East terrorist groups, including Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Hamas.
Years later, the consequences of that deal became tragically clear. Iran's funding and support for its proxy militias directly contributed to instability, bloodshed, and the terrorism of Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis. The Iranian regime, enriched and emboldened by the West's concessions, was able to accelerate its nuclear advancements while simultaneously fueling violent movements across the region. Hamas's October 7, 2023 massacre of Israelis was just one of the many outcomes of Tehran's empowerment after the nuclear deal.
By the time international inspectors raised alarms, Iran was already only a few weeks away from acquiring the material necessary for a nuclear weapon — and this happened under the very deal that was supposed to stop it. This pattern should serve as a powerful lesson for policymakers everywhere: appeasing tyrannical regimes does not bring peace; it induces greater danger. Making deals with the Iranian regime is no different from negotiating with Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler. It is a fatal illusion to believe that a totalitarian system built on deceit, violence and religious extremism can overnight become a trustworthy partner.
Now Iran has made it official — it will not respect international rules, it will not follow any limits, and it will pursue its nuclear weapons ambitions with complete disregard for the global order. Iran has openly stated that it will not honor its obligations, meaning it is preparing to use everything it has — its uranium stockpiles, advanced centrifuges, and technical expertise — to build nuclear weapons. It will not do so alone. Iran has devoted friends in what can only be described as the "dictators' club": China, Russia, and North Korea. These regimes have increasingly been cooperating closely, sharing military technology, intelligence, and political support. Russia has already declared that it will not recognize the reimposition of United Nations sanctions — the so-called "snapback" mechanism — against Iran. In other words, the world's authoritarian powers are closing ranks, ignoring international law, and giving Iran the green light to cross the nuclear threshold.
Faced with this reality, the West needs finally to wake up to the danger of an Iran with nuclear weapons. The idea that Iran can be persuaded through diplomacy or economic incentives to change its behavior has failed time and again. The West cannot afford a nuclear-armed Iran, which would not only endanger Israel and other Middle East states but destabilize the entire global order. A nuclear-armed theocracy that sponsors terrorism would trigger a regional arms race, push Saudi Arabia and Turkey toward developing their own nuclear weapons, and place the world on the edge of catastrophe.
The first and most crucial step is to reestablish deterrence. The United States and its allies must make it clear that the military option is on the table. Any evidence that Iran is advancing its nuclear weapons program should be met with decisive action, including targeted strikes on nuclear facilities if necessary. The regime must understand that the world will not tolerate its nuclear blackmail.
In addition to deterrence, the West needs immediately to reimpose and expand sanctions and secondary sanctions -– announcing that countries that do business with Iran may no longer do business with the United States. Unfortunately, Europe remains far behind. The European Union needs to stop providing diplomatic cover for Tehran and instead adopt a unified strategy of maximum pressure. This means expelling Iranian diplomats, closing down Iranian cultural centers and embassies that serve as fronts for intelligence operations, cutting off trade, and freezing all assets connected to the regime. The message must be clear: there will be no business, no legitimacy, and no cooperation with a government that defies international law and threatens global peace.
At the same time, the West would do well to increase its support for the Iranian people, who continue to resist their dictatorship through protests and civil disobedience. Moral and political support for the Iranian population, even in words, can send a strong signal that the world stands with them, not with their oppressors.
Iran's announcement to the world that it will no longer respect any laws, treaties, or limits on its nuclear program is, in essence, a declaration of war. The regime has always wanted nuclear weapons. The West must tighten sanctions, monitor every step of Iran's program, and maintain credible military options. Appeasement and indecision will only embolden Tehran further. The Iranian regime is going full nuclear, and the West needs to act — swiftly, decisively, and with unity — before removing Iran's nuclear program becomes difficult.
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh, is a political scientist, Harvard-educated analyst, and board member of Harvard International Review. He has authored several books on the US foreign policy. He can be reached at dr.rafizadeh@post.harvard.edu
